This is undoubtedly one of the best books written in recent years on trade unions and should be considered required reading for anyone with an interest in tackling the decline of the labour movement. Unionized nursing-home workers in Connecticut are the highest paid in the country; unionized nursing-home workers in Washington make about the same wages as nonunion workers. And there is no acknowledging any organizing that isn't workplace organizing. The crisis of the progressive movement is so evident that nothing less than a fundamental rethinking of its basic assumptions is required. That story isn't really too important or relevant but Brooklyn! McAlevey argues that the labor movement has shifted from an organizing model to a mobilizing model — and that this shift is at the heart of the wider decline of the entire left.
In No Shortcuts, Jane McAlevey argues that progressives can win, but lack the organized power to enact significant change, to outlast their bosses in labor fights, and to hold elected leaders accountable. The same activities organized by union members themselves not only create mass pressure, they also help members become self-confident leaders who can go on and organize others. Much more than cogent analysis, No Shortcuts explains exactly how progressives can go about rebuilding powerful movements at work, in our communities, and at the ballot box. McAlevey understands their ineluctable concreteness and force from years of organizing democratic unions that have effectively battled powerful corporations. Once, the workers themselves were the focus of union organizing, but organizers in the new millennium have spent most of their energy on corporate campaigns intended to weaken employer opposition to unions—making the employers, not the workers, the new center of the movement.
If readers are looking to build unions along the lines McAlevey recommends, they should check out , which is written to highlight the how-to of what the teachers did, and. McAlevey's I am a labor novice, so I don't know if this is the perfect book for a seasoned organizer who has seen and done it all. McAlevey Oxford University Press, 2016 : For several decades in the middle of the last century, millions of workers of all ethnicities woke up on Labor Day each year and headed for their local Labor Day march. In spite of spending hundreds of millions of dollars on new organizing campaigns, unions have not won a major victory since 1995, and membership rates have steadily plunged. If we want to turn this country around, we need to help people find their own power. A huge plant is unionized in a area extremely hostile to that. Lewis obsession with top-down control of organizers.
Johnson made a point of inviting a longtime colleague of his to attend the weekend meeting, a little-known pastor from Goldsboro, the Reverend Dr. What the left does have, McAlevey asserts, is the potential power inherent in the numbers and the economic leverage of the poor and oppressed. Jane McAlevey has been an organizer for 25 years spanning union, community, and environmental movements. She asserts that because unions are unwilling to organize for and exercise their power — particularly by organizing strikes in a way they can win — they have become increasingly weak; because unions are by far the largest progressive organizations in the country, a weak union movement means a weak left. She further discusses this, and she adds some interesting analysis by Joseph Luders in The Civil Rights Movement and the Logic of Social Change.
Some of this, like her treatment of the Chicago Teachers Union, will be familiar, but there is much that is new. Drawing upon her experience as a scholar and longtime organizer in the student, environmental, and labor movements, McAlevey examines cases from labor unions and social movements to pinpoint the factors that helped them succeed - or fail - to accomplish their intended goals. Think of the United Auto Workers' continuing failures to organize auto plants in the South. However, too often they are the same people: dedicated activists who show up over and over at every meeting and rally for all good causes, but without the full mass of their coworkers or community behind them. Labor unions now focu The crisis of the progressive movement is so evident that nothing less than a fundamental rethinking of its basic assumptions is required. More than a how-to manual for organizers, No Shortcuts is a serious, grounded rumination on building working-class power. This example is even more important in light of the teacher rebellions so far this year in West Virginia, Kentucky, Oklahoma, Colorado and Arizona, as at least some of the West Virginia teachers got their inspiration from Chicago.
Smithfield Foods: A Huge Success You've Hardly Heard About 6. Smithfield had no incentive not to fight. Drawing upon her experience as a scholar and longtime organizer in the student, environmental, and labor movements, McAlevey examines cases from labor unions and social movements to pinpoint the factors that helped them succeed - or fail - to accomplish their intended goals. Jane McAlevey gives us both a practical guide and a set of underlying principles to understand how organizing matters more than any other available strategy to grow power, and, what it means to organize. The three victories laid out here, among nursing home workers in Connecticut, teachers and parents in Chicago, and meat packing workers in North Carolina, all allow the author to make the case for organizing at a deep level. Power comes from organization even if informal, and even informal organization has leadership.
In other words, to me, this is just the beginning of the struggle, not the end. In the organizing approach, specific injustice and courage are the immediate motivation, but the primary goal is to transfer power from the elite to the majority, from the 1 percent to the 99 percent. It tells the stories of important struggles and it tackles the big questions facing the labor movement. How do we provide information to community members in a way they can understand, which is presented in a way to enlighten, not obfuscate? Individual campaigns matter in themselves, but they are primarily a mechanism for bringing new people into the change process and keeping them involved. The union's efforts ultimately help launch the successful community group, Moral Mondays.
The large numbers of new entrants into electoral politics this year 2018 show that people want to find new ways to change. And a fair critique of top down new labor tactics and Saul Alin There is a solid argument at the heart of this book. She has clearly learned from her experiences. Labor unions now focus on the narrowest possible understanding of the interests of their members, and membership continues to decline in lockstep with the narrowing of their goals. She ultimately concludes that, in order to win, progressive movements need strong unions built from bottom-up organizing strategies that place the power for change in the hands of workers and ordinary people at the community level. But she barely touches these. There is a solid argument at the heart of this book.
This, now more than ever, places an emphasis on the need to understand workers and employers in a symbiotic relationship where each needs the other to survive in one way or another. Very quickly, the reader starts to see an obvious and essential a way forward. The crisis of the progressive movement is so evident that nothing less than a fundamental rethinking of its basic assumptions is required. To be organised, the labour movement must become a movement of itself and for itself, of the whole worker. We saw the Verizon workers do it earlier this year, and the Chicago teachers in 2012.
It has been tremendously successful in achiev I love this book. And the fact that some workers in some unions are actually still mounting massive, worker-led strikes—not activist-led protests simply called strikes—is evidence enough that it is, in fact, still possible. Why do progressives in the United States keep losing on so many issues? If you want change you have to understand where the power is in the system. This book lifts the lessons McAlevey takes from that craft into the intellectual realm of power and politics. Ninety-three percent of its people are city dwellers; most of them live in Seattle. She ultimately concludes that, in order to win, progressive movements need strong unions builtfrom bottom-up organizing strategies that place the power for change in the hands of workers and ordinary people at the community level.